/lm/, is a well-known, indeed stereotyped feature of Irish English • Also commonly found in /rm/, and in /rn/ and /rl/ in some dialects • film [ˈfɪləm], farm [ˈfaɹəm], corn [ˈkɔɹən], girl [ˈɡɛɹəl] • Almost always ascribed to Irish influence (e.g. Joyce 1910, Adams 1948, Barry 1982, Hickey 1986, Pilch 1990, Ó hÚrdail 1997, Kallen 1997, Ó Baoill 1997, Corrigan 2010, Cunningham 2011) • ‘By a sort of hereditary custom this peculiarity finds its way into our pronunciation of English.’ (Joyce 1910, p. 96) • ‘A process that has been borrowed from Irish where it is obligatory’ (Ó Baoill 1997, p. 84) 2
p. 41) describes epenthesis as an ‘areal feature of both Irish and English in Ireland’ • This would seem to imply convergence (Hickey 1999) • But convergence from what, to what? • Is epenthesis in Irish English similar to epenthesis in Irish? • Was epenthesis borrowed from Irish into Irish English? • Was there already epenthesis in the English (and Scots) input varieties to Irish English? • Cf. the criteria in Thomason (2010) • Braidwood (1964) and Harris (1997) note similarities between epenthesis in Irish English and epenthesis in English and Scots in Britain 3
(1999) • Basic rule: insert a vowel between a sonorant and a consonant: bolg ‘belly’ [bʌləɡ], dorcha ‘dark’ [dʌrəxə] • …unless the consonants are homorganic: iolra ‘plural’ [ʌl(*ə)rə]… • …or the second consonant is a voiceless stop: olc ‘evil’ [ʌl(*ə)k] • The vowel is [ə] or [ɪ], depending on consonant palatalization • Restrictions on epenthesis are phonological • Blocked after long vowels and diphtongs: léargas ‘vision’ [lʲeːr(*ə)ɡəs], dualgas ‘duty’ [duəl(*ə)ɡəs] • Blocked before another two syllables: scolgarnach ‘cackling’ [skʌl(*ə)ɡərnəx] • No morphological restrictions, no restriction to stem-final codas: airgead ‘money’ [arʲɪɡʲəd] 4
Jong (1997); Hind (1996); Wentworth (2005) • Similar conditioning to Irish: • dearg ‘red’ [t͡ʃɛrɛk], doirbh ‘difficult’ [tɤðʲɤv] • Not in olc ‘evil’ [ɔl̥k], dòrn ‘fist’ [toːrn] • Not after long vowels/diphthongs: mìorbhailt ‘miracle’ [mi͡ɑrvɑʎt͡ʃ], mòrchuis ‘splendour’ [moːrxuʃ] • Vowel is generally a copy of the stressed vowel, or influenced by surrounding consonants: builg ‘bellies’ [pulʲukʲ] or [pulʲikʲ], rarely generalized [ə] as in Irish • Unlike Irish, does not straightforwardly count as a syllable: • Speaker intuitions (e.g. Borgstrøm 1937, Hammond et al. 2014) • Morphophonology (Smith 1999, Iosad 2015) • Inert in metre: níor ghlac cliath, colg no gunna is a 7-syllable line 5
like Scottish Gaelic • Regular echo vowel • Metrical invisibility, including resistance to syncope • Cf. Greene (1952) on the ‘middle quantity’ of Old Irish tradition • First instantiations possibly already in Ogam Irish (Eska 2010) 6
• Widespread in Middle Welsh, particularly in /lv/ and /rv/: <palyf> ‘palm’, <aryf> ‘weapon’ • Also in /lm rm/, though these are rare in Middle Welsh, and /ðv/ <dedyf> ‘law’, <gwdyf> ‘neck’ • Mostly word-final, albeit with some cyclicity <gwdyfeu> ‘necks’ • Vowel begins as schwa, later echoes preceding vowel: <araf> ‘weapon’ • Not regular, much variation • Modern dialects (Iosad 2017): copy epenthesis, irregular within and across dialects, adds a syllable • Nantgarw ffurf ‘form’ [fɪrv] but barf ‘beard’ [baːrav] • More examples with /lm rm/: ffwrm ‘bench’ [fuːrʊm], helm ‘corn stack’ [eːlɛm] • No epenthesis in clusters like /ln rn/ • Breton (Jackson 1967): some epenthesis in /rk lx rx rz lz/ but not always clearly syllabic 7
• Epenthesis in liquid+sonorant clusters, especially /lm/ film and /rm/ warm • Also in /rl/ girl and /rn/ corn in some dialects • Occasionally also in /ln/ in kiln, though this replaces the traditional pronunciation (shared with English and Scots) kill, so is not of long standing • In stem-level coda position only • Mid Ulster English fil[ə]m~fil[ə]ming, war[ə]m~war[ə]mer but not in helmet, German • MUE Ar[ə]mstrong, Roscommon English cu[rəlj]ew (Henry 1957) • Highland English • As far as we can tell, the same patterns • Epenthesis only in /lm/, /ln/ and /rm/ (Shuken 1984, p. 160) 8
II.3.49) • Jespersen (1909, pp. 274, 362) hypothesises that this vowel is instead the result of an emphatic pronunciation of trilled French [r] in this word. • But that cannot explain Shakespeare’s spelling of film as <philome> in Romeo and Juliet (I.4.63), nor epenthesis in /rm/ in other words in other sources • Two of Shakespeare’s contemporaries also provide evidence for epenthesis in liquid+sonorant clusters in Early Modern English • William Bullokar (1585) records epenthesis in carl, elm, helm, storm and turn in his Booke at Large (Kökeritz 1953, p. 292); see also Dobson (1957, p. 913) • Philip Henslowe spells warm as <warem> in his diary (Greg 1904, p. 38); see Kökeritz (1953, p. 293). 9
north-east English dialects (Ellis 1889, Orton & Dieth 1962, Rydland 1998), and some neighbouring northern English dialects • In /lm/, /rm/, /rn/, /rl/, /rd/ (word) and /rz/ (Thursday) • Beyond that, epenthesis is widespread in /lm/ • Also not uncommon in /rm/ 10
north-east English dialects is undoubtedly connected with ubiquitous epenthesis in liquid+sonorant clusters in Scots, north of the border • [fɛ̈ɫəm] film, [eːɾəm] arm/airm, [boɾən] born, [kʌɾəɫ] curl • See Maguire (2017) 13
Alcorn (2013): ‘Sonorant cluster vowel epenthesis’ (SCVE) • ‘Insertion of an epenthetic vowel between two consonants, one of which must be a sonorant’ • Middle English Dictionary http://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/ • /lm/: elm (<ellem>), whelm (<quilum>) • /rm/: alarm (<alarom>), arm (<arum>), farm (<verem>), harm (<harem>), storm (<storem>), worm (<wirem>) • /rl/: churl (<cherel>), earl (<erel>), pearl (<perel>), smerl ‘ointment’ (<smerel>), thirl ‘hole’ (<thirile>), whirl (<whoril>) • /rn/: barn (<baren>), bairn ‘child’ (<berun>), corn (<coren>), fern (<feren>), morn (<moren>), quern (<queren>), scorn (<scoren>), sharn ‘dung, manure’ (<sherren>), stern (adj.) (<steren>), thorn (<thorun>), urn (<urin>), warn (<waran>) • Occasionally in other clusters (e.g. in /rd/ in word, in /rk/ in mark) 17
<fereme> firm, <eril> earl, <turyn> turn, <thurisday> Thursday • Jordan (1934, pp. 147–148) • Early epenthesis of <i>, <e>, <y> in <rd rth rl rn>, mostly in the North, which later disappears • Later epenthesis of back vowels before <w>, sometimes also <m>, <n>, <f>: <arum> arm, <oref> ‘cattle’, <wurem> worm, described as rare. 18
sources, see especially Campbell (1959, §320–322) and Hogg (1992, §6.34–6.37) • Early epenthesis between a sonorant and a fricative • Mostly before dorsal/glottal • Vowel mostly agrees in backness with stressed vowel • <ðerih> through, <ġewarahtæ> ‘made’, <berecht> bright • But also <wylif> ‘she-wolf’ • Persists (or re-occurs?) in later Northumbrian, e.g. <burug> burgh, <fyrihto> fright, but also <culufro> culver ‘dove’ • Very rarely in other later dialects: <byric> birch, <weoruc> work • Later West Saxon epenthesis of i, u after light syllables in Cj, Cw clusters • <byri(g)> burgh, <herigas> ‘armies’, <swaluwe> swallow • Mostly late; very rare in other dialects 19
for /ln/ (except <elin> ell ‘forearm’, if this is not preserved from *elinu-), /rm/, /lm/, /rl/ (Ringe & Taylor 2014, §6.9.5) • The data is scant, but mostly consistent with the analysis that OE epenthesis targeted morpheme-final codas • Clusters targeted • Change over the course of the OE period • Different from Middle English and Modern English • Effects of OE epenthesis obscured by later syncope and vocalization • Hogg (1992, §6.42): ‘[The] evidence would suggest that it is a persistent and continuing variation in OE’ • Similarly, Ringe & Taylor (2014, p. 332): ‘[T]here could have been robust, stable variation in the phonetics of these unstressed syllables between speech communities, within speech communities, and even in the speech of single individuals’ 20
history of English and Scots, from the Old English period onwards • Though the details vary by period and location, epenthesis occurs in: • Liquid+consonant clusters in (stem-level) coda position • Especially in liquid+sonorant clusters • Prominent in Middle English/Older Scots, Modern Scots, and modern north-east English dialects • Also attested in Early Modern English and sporadically in Modern English dialects further south • However, epenthesis in /lm/ is widespread (or at least was until recently) • Irish English and Hebridean English epenthesis replicates epenthesis in Anglic, does not match Gaelic patterns • Triggering clusters • Restriction to coda position • So where does it come from? 21
High German from the oldest attestations and increasing over time (e.g. Schmidt 1871, Reutercrona 1920, Braune 2004) • Usually a or o, but can agree in quality with surrounding vowels (more often following than preceding) • /lh rh/: <bëraht> ‘bright’, <duruh> <durah> through, names in <Alah-> (Gothic alhs) • /rw lw/, rarely /sw/: <farwa> <farawa> <farowa> ‘colour’ (Farbe) • Larger range of clusters in Upper German • /rk rh rɡ/ and /rb rp rf rm/: <werah> work, <waram> warm, <perege> ‘mountaines’ (Berge) • More rarely /rl/, even more rarely /rn/: <charal> churl’ 22
German (Michels 1979), epenthesis remains in many of the same clusters, but now also including /rn/ • <koren> corn, <werec> work, <starib> ‘die!’ (starb), <arebeit> ‘work’ (Arbeit) • Alemannic and Rhine Franconian: syncope of unstressed vowels after a short vowel + /r l/ targets both non-epenthetic and epenthetic vowels • Epenthetic: <arm> for OHG <aram> ‘poor’ • Non-epenthetic: <wir nern> ‘we approach’ (morphologically <-en>) • Early New High German (Ebert et al. 1993, §3.7.4) • Frequent in /rb rx/ especially in Bavarian: <heribst> Herbst ‘autumn’, <kirich> Kirche ‘church’ • /lx/ in <milich> Milch ‘milk’ • More rarely /rf rɡ/ (werifen ‘throw’, berig ‘mountain’), /r + coronal/ (geburit ‘birth’, hirise ‘millet’), /lb lɡ/ (kalib ‘calf’, foligt ‘follows’) 23
especially Upper and Middle German • Not in the standard language • Schirmunski (1962, pp. 401–402) • Much variation, but examples like dorəf ‘village’, beriç ‘mountain’, warəm ‘warm’, šdarik ‘strong’, haləm ‘straw’, khęriç ‘church’, woləf ‘wolf’, khåləb ̣ ‘calf’ • Often word- rather than stem-final: warəm but warmər • Less common in rn (štęrən ‘star’), n + obstruent (finəf ‘five’) • Rare in non-final position except in Ripuarian: ę˙rəvə ‘to inherit’, hę˙ləpə ‘to help’ 24
svarabhakti feeds open syllable lengthening (both <doːrəf> and <dorəf>), presumably linked to chronological variation • Found in Luxembourgish standard language, although formerly more so than now (Gilles 2014): Kallef ‘half’, wellech ‘whichever’, Vollek ‘people’, Hallem ‘culm’, fënnef ‘five’, Kärel ‘guy’ • Found in Yiddish (Jacobs 2005) in /r l/ + velar clusters (štarək ‘strong’, barək ‘mountain’, milix ‘milk’) but not in medial position (štarkə ‘strong-pl’), also lexicalized remnants like finəf ‘five’ 25
1910): between /r l/ and certain consonants, vowel often copies either from the left or the right • /rp rƀ rw/: <skarapun>, <araƀit> ‘work’, <staraf> ‘died’, <gegariuui> ‘clothes’ • /rm rn/: <uuaram> ‘warm’, <Berenmarus> • /rk rɡ rx/: <foraht> ‘fear’, <sorogon> ‘sorrows-dat’, <giuuerekot> ‘does’ • /lx lw/: <bifelahan> ‘recommend’, <baluuues> ‘evil-gen’ • Middle Low German (Lasch 1914, p. 123): • Continuation of the Old Saxon pattern: <sceref> ‘sharp’, <barumhertlike> ‘gracious’, <bedereven> ‘spoil’ • ‘New’ epenthesis during the MLG period, mostly in <lC> but also in some other clusters: <mellik> ‘milk’, <süllik> ‘such’, <werrelt> ‘world’ • Schirmunski (1962): almost not found in modern Low German 26
<hallef> ‘half’, <erm> <erim> ‘poor’, <dolech> <dolich> <dolch> ‘wound’ • West Frisian (Visser 2017): variable epenthesis in non-homorganic rC lC clusters: kalm ‘calm’, term ‘intestine’, wylch ‘willow’, skelk ‘apron’, skulp ‘shell’ • North Frisian (Århammar 2001): much dialectal variation, cf. salleff ‘self’ but dösalven ‘the same’ • Common in /lɡ rɡ/: Halich ‘island’ (OE healh), fori(g)- ‘furrow’ • Less common between /r k/ and /m w/: hualew ‘half’, warem, sterew ‘to die’ • Even less common in /lr lp/, and /ln rn/ (after a long vowel): hallep ‘to help’, eelen ‘elbow’ • Also possible in /rl/: kiarel ‘guy’ 28
epenthetic a: <worahto> ‘made’ (Tune), <-wulafʀ> -ulfr (Istaby); see Noreen (1923); Haugen (2012) • Old Swedish: handful of examples in /rj rð rf/ (Noreen 1904, §159–163); no epenthesis in liquid + sonorant clusters: <karl>, <barn> (Wessén 1958, §62) • Norwegian • Very few examples of Old Norwegian spellings with epenthesis in /rð rn rl/: <gareðe> ‘enclosure-dat.sg’, <hveren> ‘who-acc’, <æreleghr> ‘honest’, with unclear interpretation (Seip 1934, pp. 124–125) • Middle Norwegian (Petterssen 1975): isolated examples of epenthesis with vocalization in /rɣ lɣ/ • Many clusters where epenthesis is observed elsewhere undergo other changes: /rð/ > /ɽ/, /rn/ > /dn/ or /ɳ/, /rl/ > /dl/ or /ɭ/ 29
affected, within and across languages and time periods • Some languages target liquid + sonorant • Some languages target liquid + dorsal • Some languages target non-homorganic sequences • Preference for domain-finality • Continuous and persistent: we can often discern several iterations of epenthesis • Lexically and phonologically irregular: proceeds by lexical diffusion, nowhere clearly lautgesetzlich • Epenthetic vowels tend to build syllables of their own • Epenthetic vowels are often subject to syncope processes alongside non-epenthetic medial vowels • This agrees with English but not with Gaelic 31
descriptively plausible, but: • Post-sonorant epenthesis is clearly not the same process as T_R# epenthesis • Insufficient to explain differences in triggering clusters • Another facet of vowel lengthening (Ó Baoill 1980, Liberman 1992): • Unclear phonetic precursors • Alternative to smoothing in the elimination of back glides (Howell & Somers Wicka 2007): • Could cover (some of) Old English, but it’s not clear to us if/how this extends to other systems even in English itself 32
in sonorant + consonant clusters as excrescence • See Levin (1987) and Hall (2006) • Retiming of the vocalic gesture associated with the sonorant (Hind 1996, Hall 2006, Operstein 2010) • Not the same phenomenon as sonority-driven epenthesis (e.g. in T_R# contexts) • Notably, epenthetic and excrescent vowels can be distinguished both phonologically and phonetically in some languages (Levin 1987, Smith 1999, Hall 2013) • We suggest, following the lead from Hogg (1992); Ringe & Taylor (2014), that a phonetic tendency to excrescence is/was common to much of Germanic, and is inherited in English 33
least widespread across northwest Europe • Variable epenthesis would have been found in Proto(-North-West)-Germanic, and inherited in many languages • Excrescence can phonologize as a regular rule • We suggest this is what happened in Gaelic • This is likely what happened in some Sámi languages (Engstrand 1987) • This is not what happened in Germanic 34
of a phonetic tendency common in Germanic • Irish English epenthesis is directly inherited from English (and Scots in the north) • This tendency has variably been present throughout the history of Germanic • The repeated occurrence of epenthesis in Germanic represents parallel development (‘drift’) via inheritance of a variable process (Joseph 2013) • To the extent English epenthesis is an areal phenomenon, it is an extension of an area from the continent, not part of a Britain and Ireland area 35
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